By Our Editorial Team
First publised on 2025-12-16 11:20:15
With the State Election Commission announcing elections to the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation on December 15, Mumbai is set to vote in January 2026 for a civic body that has been without an elected council for over three years. The prolonged delay has already weakened the idea of urban local self-government. The election, when it finally happens, will therefore be judged not merely by who wins, but by what it reveals about the changing architecture of party politics in Maharashtra.
The BMC, with its vast financial resources and administrative reach, has long functioned as a parallel power centre. What makes this election unusual is that the political order that once governed it has collapsed, and no stable alternative has yet emerged.
From Sena Dominance to Fragmented Claims
For nearly three decades, the Shiv Sena's control of the BMC rested on a clear logic: linguistic mobilization combined with ward-level organizational depth. That logic no longer holds.
The split in the Sena has transformed the party from a hegemonic municipal force into two competing claimants to the same legacy. Uddhav Thackeray's Sena (UBT) retains symbolic capital and a degree of middle-class sympathy, particularly among voters uneasy with defections and the use of state power to engineer splits. However, municipal elections reward organizational continuity more than moral positioning. Many of the Sena's traditional corporator-level networks now sit elsewhere.
That said, the recent controversy over the introduction of Hindi as a third language in Maharashtra schools briefly reopened older linguistic faultlines in Mumbai. It offered the Thackeray faction an opportunity to revive a familiar idiom of mobilisation around Marathi identity, reminding voters of the Sena's original civic and cultural role in the city. Whether such episodic mobilisation can be converted into sustained ward-level gains remains uncertain, but it underscores that the Sena's political vocabulary in Mumbai has not entirely lost its resonance.
Eknath Shinde's Sena benefits from incumbency at the state level and control over administrative levers that matter in civic contests. Yet it lacks an independent civic identity in Mumbai. Its claim rests less on historical association with the city and more on alignment with the ruling coalition. Whether that is enough to persuade voters accustomed to associating the BMC with a distinct Sena culture remains an open question.
The likely outcome is not the restoration of Sena dominance in any form, but the permanent erosion of its singular hold over Mumbai's civic space.
BJP's Structural Advantage, and Its Limits
The BJP enters the contest as the best-placed party institutionally. It has steadily expanded its footprint in Mumbai since 2017, particularly in middle-class and commercial wards. The fragmentation of the Sena removes the single biggest obstacle to its long-term ambition of leading the BMC.
Yet the BJP's strength is also its constraint. Municipal elections are not easily nationalized. Governance failures are local, and so are voter expectations. The party's relatively thin network of locally embedded civic leaders, compared to its state-level organizational capacity, may still prevent it from converting plurality into outright control.
The BJP is well positioned to emerge as the largest party. Whether it can govern without complex post-poll arrangements is less certain.
Congress and NCP: Relevance Without Centrality
The Congress's decline in Mumbai is structural, not cyclical. Its remaining pockets of influence are socially specific and electorally limited. The Sharad Pawar-led NCP faces a similar problem, compounded by organizational weakness in the city and its own internal rupture.
Still, in a fragmented house, even limited seat shares acquire bargaining value. These parties are unlikely to shape the civic agenda, but they may influence who does.
What This Election Is Really About
Three non-electoral factors will weigh heavily on the outcome. First, ward delimitation, which has disrupted older social equations and weakened inherited advantages. Second, candidate autonomy. In Mumbai, corporators with independent local standing routinely outperform party expectations. Third, turnout asymmetry. Civic apathy remains high. Parties that mobilize disciplined voter blocs rather than chase broad narratives will benefit.
A Shift From Control to Coalition
This BMC election will not produce a return to the past. The era of single-party civic dominance in Mumbai appears to be over. What is emerging instead is a coalition-dependent municipal politics, shaped as much by state-level alignments as by local considerations.
That may make governance more contested and less coherent. But it also reflects a deeper truth: Mumbai's politics is no longer exceptional. It is beginning to resemble the fractured, transactional politics that defines Maharashtra as a whole.









