oppn parties When Process Becomes Punishment

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  • Government has said that partially filled online Census forms may be allowed
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  • An ordinary zari worked living just 100km away from Kolkata was stunned to find Rs 100cr deposited in the bank account. The bank has frozen her account pending enquiry
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Tarun Tejpal, former editor of Tehelka, was sentenced to 10 years in jail by Bombay HC for raping a colleague. This judgment overturns the acquittal by a Goa sessions court
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When Process Becomes Punishment

By Our Editorial Team
First publised on 2026-02-28 12:52:42

About the Author

Sunil Garodia The India Commentary view

The Delhi liquor policy case will be remembered less for the policy it examined and more for the way it unfolded. By the time the court dismantled the CBI's case against Arvind Kejriwal, Manish Sisodia, and others, the political and institutional consequences had already taken their toll. That gap between accusation and adjudication is where the real story lies.

In any democracy, the power to investigate and arrest is among the most serious powers the state wields. It carries the capacity not only to enforce law but to shape politics. When exercised without rigorous evidentiary grounding, it can alter governments, damage reputations beyond repair, and influence electoral outcomes long before a verdict is delivered. Courts can restore legal standing; they cannot rewind political time.

The special court's order is significant not because it clears individuals alone, but because it underscores how fragile safeguards can become. The judge questioned the reliance on approver statements secured after pardon, pointed to the absence of corroborative material, and noted the lack of a clear financial trail. These are not high technical standards. They are the minimum threshold for criminal prosecution. When that threshold is not met, it suggests a troubling eagerness to construct a case rather than substantiate one.

The court's rejection of region-based labelling, such as the use of "South Group," is also telling. Criminal law demands specificity. It demands acts, evidence, and accountability tied to individuals. Broad descriptors may serve a narrative outside the courtroom, but inside it they weaken credibility. The justice system does not operate on insinuation.

What makes this episode troubling is not that an investigation was launched. Public policy decisions must be open to scrutiny, and allegations of corruption must be examined. The problem arises when the process itself appears to deliver the consequences that a conviction would otherwise require. Prolonged incarceration, public spectacle, and reputational damage begin to function as outcomes in themselves.

This dynamic has implications beyond one party or one case. When investigative agencies appear to falter in high-profile prosecutions, they erode their own authority. Genuine cases of corruption risk being viewed through a lens of political suspicion. Public confidence in enforcement weakens. The state’s credibility suffers.

The court has done what courts are meant to do: it has insisted on evidence, coherence, and constitutional fairness. But the larger question lingers. If the cost of a weak prosecution is borne in the political arena long before it collapses in court, then the damage to democratic balance is already done.

The lesson here is not about partisan victory. It is about institutional restraint. In a system built on checks and balances, investigative power must be exercised with precision, not ambition. Otherwise, the line between accountability and advantage becomes dangerously thin.