oppn parties Silencing The Voter

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oppn parties
Silencing The Voter

By Our Editorial Team
First publised on 2026-05-28 12:44:55

About the Author

Sunil Garodia The India Commentary view

The Supreme Court's judgment in Association for Democratic Reforms vs Election Commission of India, delivered on May 27, will be cited for years as the ruling that upheld the Special Intensive Revision of Bihar's electoral rolls. It should equally be remembered as the ruling that confused a clean roll with a democratic one.

The court has done some things well. It has affirmed the ECI's statutory authority under Section 21(3) of the Representation of the People Act, read with Article 324. It has drawn a necessary line between deletion from the voter roll and determination of non-citizenship - a guardrail that prevents the SIR from becoming a covert NRC. It has directed the ECI to refer deleted names to the competent authority under the Citizenship Act, with restoration if citizenship is confirmed. These are meaningful protections on paper. But they do not survive contact with reality.

The first problem is definitional. Section 21(3) authorises revision of existing rolls. The ECI did not revise. It discarded three decades of work and started again from scratch. Through careful summary revisions, successive Commissions had brought roll accuracy to approximately 99 per cent. The 2024 general election was conducted on these rolls without challenge. To demolish that foundation and demand fresh verification from a billion voters is not a SIR in any recognisable sense. The court never addressed this distinction. That omission is not a minor gap. It is the judgment's foundational failure.

The second problem is the 2003 baseline. Every voter enrolled in the last 21 years must re-verify. This cohort - migrants, women, first-time voters - represents the gains of two decades of democratic inclusion. The ECI spent years and considerable public money enrolling them. The court has validated a process that now treats their enrolment as provisional.

The third problem is the remedy. Wrongfully deleted voters are told to seek judicial review. In practice, this means nothing to the daily-wage worker in Sitamarhi who does not know he has been deleted, has never seen a draft roll, and cannot afford a lawyer. Judicial review is a remedy for the resourced. Offering it to the poor voter is not justice. It is the appearance of justice, which is worse.

The citizenship referral mechanism suffers the same infirmity. The competent authority has no infrastructure to handle millions of cases. The court has set no penalty for non-compliance with its own timeline. A direction without enforcement is a direction in name only.

Over 90 lakh names were deleted in West Bengal. Nearly 74 lakh in Tamil Nadu. The court's protections arrive after this damage. That is not oversight. That is the judgment's essential character.

Clean electoral rolls are a legitimate and necessary goal. This journal has never argued otherwise. But the manner of achieving them matters as much as the goal itself. A process that discards three decades of work, uses a 21-year-old baseline, dismisses the only identity document millions possess, and leaves wrongful deletions to the mercy of courts the poor cannot access is not electoral hygiene. It is selective disenfranchisement dressed in constitutional language.

The voter roll is not paperwork. It is democratic membership. When the state strikes a name from it without adequate cause and without adequate remedy, it has not cleaned its rolls. It has diminished its democracy.