oppn parties Why the MDR on UPI Is Necessary and Why the Government Should Not Roll It Back

News Snippets

  • Supreme Court questions the continuing relevance of two-child norms. The Court observed that falling fertility rates have weakened the population-control rationale behind laws disqualifying people with more than two children from contesting local body elections. It referred the issue to a larger Bench for consideration
  • Supreme Court declines to shift Tirupati laddu case outside Andhra Pradesh. The Court rejected a plea seeking transfer of the trial, despite arguments that political statements by Andhra Pradesh's Chief Minister and Deputy Chief Minister could affect the fairness of proceedings
  • Supreme Court transfers Azam Khan's fresh ED bail plea to Allahabad High Court. The apex court declined to consider the Samajwadi Party leader's bail request in a fresh Enforcement Directorate case and directed that it be listed before a division Bench of the High Court on November 16
  • Two killed in Delhi building collapse; contractor booked. Two bodies were recovered after a building collapsed in Chawri Bazaar. Delhi Chief Minister Rekha Gupta said the contractor had been booked and the concerned junior and assistant engineers suspended
  • Uttar Pradesh voter rolls show a 2.4-crore discrepancy. A difference of approximately 2.4 crore names has been reported between the state's panchayat and rural Assembly voter lists. The Election Commission has ordered the two sets of rolls to be matched
  • Gujarat announces 3% dearness allowance hike. The state government announced a three-percentage-point increase in dearness allowance for government employees and pensioners ahead of Diwali
  • Sensex and Nifty post their strongest single-day gains in months. The Sensex surged 2,008.61 points, or 2.60%, to close at 79,310.01, while the Nifty 50 climbed 576 points, or 2.40%, to 24,536.60. Financial and automobile stocks led the rally, supported by falling crude prices and renewed foreign investor buying
  • Maaya Rajeshwaran reaches WTA-level quarter-final. The 17-year-old Indian defeated Poland's Weronika Falkowska 6-4, 6-3, becoming the first Indian woman since Sania Mirza in 2012 to reach a quarter-final at a WTA Tour-level singles event
  • Tanvi Patri reaches Youth Olympics badminton final. The 15-year-old defeated Japan's Yuzuno Watanabe in the semi-final, assuring India of a medal and becoming the first Indian badminton player to reach the girls' singles final at the Youth Olympics
  • India beat Pakistan 3-2 in SAFF Championship. India defeated Pakistan in a closely contested match, having led 3-0 before conceding two late goals. The victory was reported as a significant result for India's second-string side
  • India beat Japan 4-1 to win a record sixth Asian Champions Trophy. India recovered from an early deficit to defeat Japan in the final at Mohali, extending its record as the tournament's most successful men's team
  • The Supreme Court issued notice to the Centre and the Election Commission on a petition challenging Section 16 of the Chief Election Commissioner and Other Election Commissioners Act, 2023, which grants the CEC and Election Commissioners protection from legal proceedings for acts performed in their official duties. The petition argues that such blanket immunity could leave citizens without an effective remedy for alleged wrongdoing by the Commission
  • The Supreme Court told voters whose names were deleted from Delhi's draft electoral rolls not to be apprehensive about seeking re-enrolment through Form 6, after the Election Commission assured it that such applicants would not be prosecuted merely because their names had appeared in earlier rolls
  • Congress leader Rahul Gandhi opened the party's campaign for the 2027 Punjab Assembly elections with an Insaaf rally in Sangrur, Chief Minister Bhagwant Mann's home district, accusing the AAP government of failing to control drugs, gangster violence and corruption. Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge outlined six commitments, including a drug-free Punjab, protection of farmers, employment for young people and action against corruption
  • Rahul Gandhi accused the AAP government of running Punjab through a remote control from Delhi and questioned Bhagwant Mann's ability to tackle drug abuse, making personal allegations about the Chief Minister's conduct during their time together in Parliament
Stock markets on fire due to US results, Sensex gains 2008 points to reach its highest level in 8 months
oppn parties
Why the MDR on UPI Is Necessary and Why the Government Should Not Roll It Back

By Sunil Garodia
First publised on 2026-09-17 03:25:48

About the Author

Sunil Garodia Editor-in-Chief of indiacommentary.com. Current Affairs analyst and political commentator. Author of Cyber Scams in India, Digital Arrest, The Money Trap and The Human Hack

MDR on UPI is not a tax on the poor. It is the oxygen the UPI ecosystem needs to breathe. The government must not roll it back.

The Verdict First

Zero MDR was a launch subsidy, not a permanent policy. It served its purpose when UPI needed adoption. That purpose is served. UPI now processes over 15 billion transactions a month. The infrastructure behind that scale costs money, and someone must pay for it. A modest MDR, split fairly between banks, payment apps, and acquirers, is the only sustainable way to keep the system running without taxpayer money propping it up forever.

The Delivery App Precedent

Zomato and Swiggy spent the better part of a decade burning investor cash to win market share. Free delivery, deep discounts, cash-back offers, all funded by venture capital chasing growth at any cost. That model nearly killed both companies. Losses piled up quarter after quarter. Investors grew impatient. The turnaround came only when these platforms started charging for what they actually provide: a platform fee for running the marketplace, a delivery fee for the logistics, packing charges for handling. Consumers grumbled initially. Then they accepted it, because the alternative was watching the service disappear. Today both companies report profits, and the apps still work exactly as before. Nothing was lost except the illusion that any of this was ever free.

UPI is following the same script, minus the fee. Banks, NPCI, payment aggregators, and third-party apps like PhonePe and Google Pay have absorbed the cost of infrastructure, servers, fraud monitoring, and customer support for years, all under a mandate of zero MDR imposed in 2020. This was defensible as an adoption strategy. It is not defensible as a permanent business model. No ecosystem survives on indefinite subsidy. The delivery apps learned this the hard way, through years of losses and a genuine threat of shutdown. UPI does not need to learn the same lesson twice.

The Card Network Comparison

Every credit and debit card transaction in India carries an MDR, typically between 1 and 2 percent, paid by the merchant to the card network and issuing bank. Consumers do not see this cost directly. They do not pay more at the till because a card was swiped instead of cash handed over. The merchant absorbs it as a cost of doing business, the same way they absorb rent, electricity, and staff salaries. A UPI MDR, structured the same way and capped at a reasonable rate, changes nothing for the consumer. It asks merchants, who benefit from instant settlement, reduced cash-handling risk, and higher transaction volumes, to pay a small fee for that convenience. This is not a penalty. It is a market functioning normally.

The Distortion of Zero MDR

The zero-MDR era has produced a specific distortion. Payment apps make no money from person-to-merchant transactions, which form the bulk of UPI volume. They survive on unrelated revenue streams: lending referrals, insurance sales, and cross-subsidy from other business lines. This is an unstable foundation for critical financial infrastructure. A payment system that cannot fund itself from its core function is one bad funding round away from degraded service, reduced fraud investment, or consolidation into two or three dominant players who can absorb the losses. That concentration is a bigger risk to consumers than a small merchant fee ever will be.

What Regulators Have Flagged

The RBI and the Payments Council of India have both pointed out that a fee-free system cannot fund innovation, security upgrades, or expansion into rural and semi-urban markets where transaction costs are actually higher. A modest MDR, especially if tiered so that small merchants below a certain turnover threshold remain exempt, protects the vendors the zero-MDR policy claims to protect while still generating revenue for the players who keep the lights on. This is not an either-or. It is a design question, and the exemption threshold is where the real policy debate should be happening.

The Political Optics

Rolling back MDR, or refusing to introduce it, plays well as a populist gesture. It costs nothing today and delays the bill to tomorrow. But payment infrastructure does not run on goodwill. Every server, every fraud-detection algorithm, every customer service call center costs money that has to come from somewhere. If it does not come from a transparent, market-rate MDR, it comes from taxpayer-funded subsidies to NPCI and banks, which is a less efficient and less accountable way to fund the same thing. Or it comes from banks quietly reducing investment in the system, which shows up years later as outages, fraud, and poor service, exactly when digital payments have become too important to fail.

The Case

UPI is now core national infrastructure. Core infrastructure needs sustainable funding, not a permanent subsidy dressed up as a consumer right. The delivery app industry proved that platforms which try to run on zero revenue eventually collapse or must impose fees anyway, often more chaotically and with less consumer protection than if they had planned for it from the start. Card networks prove that a merchant-side fee, structured properly, does not translate into consumer harm. The government should introduce a modest, tiered MDR now, on its own terms, rather than being forced into a messier version of the same policy later when the funding crisis becomes acute. Waiting will not make this cheaper. It will only make the eventual fix more painful.